আমি চৰে থাইক্যা শ্বহৰে গেলেই
জিগায়—‘ঐ তোৰ ঘৰ ক’ত?’
না কইয়াতো পাৰি না,
বৰগাঙেৰ বুহেৰ মধ্যে
চান্দি ৰঙেৰ বালুৰ চৰে
ঝাও গাছেৰ ফাহে ফাহে
পথ নাই, ৰথ নাই যেহানে
কোনো বড় লোহেৰো পাও পৰেনা,
ঘাঁশ ৰংগেৰ ক্ষেতে ভৰা
হেই গেৰামেই আমাৰ বাড়ী৷
আমি চৰে থাইক্যা শ্বহৰে গেলেই
জিগায়—‘ঐ তোৰ ভাষা কি?’
পশু পক্ষীৰ ভাষাৰ যেমুন বই নাই
আমাৰ ভাষাৰো কোনো ইস্কুল নাই,
মায়াৰ মুখেৰ ভাষায়
ভাটিয়ালী গাই, দুঃখেৰ সুৰে সুৰ ধৰিয়া
দেশেৰ ভাষাই বুহে লইয়া
চৰেৰ ভাষা ঘৰে কই,
মাটিৰ ভাষাতো জগত লইয়া একটাই৷
আমাৰে আৰো কয়—
ঐ তোৰ জাতি কি ?
মাইনষেৰ জাততো একটাই
কি হিন্দু আৰ মুছলমান
প্ৰকৃতিৰ কাচে সবেই সমান৷
আমাৰে ডৰ দেহাইয়া কয়—
‘ঐ তই এই দেশত কেতিয়া আহিছ?’
আমিত’ আইচিনা এই দেশে
বাজানেৰা চৰে থাইক্যা
পাটেৰ হাগ লৈয়া শ্বহৰে গেল’
কতা নাই বাৰ্তা নাই তাৰাৰে পুলিছে ধৰল’
ভোটেৰ কাগজ দেইখ্যা পুলিছে তহন
বাজানৰাৰে চাইৰা দিল’৷
এৰ পৰে, বাজানেৰা কাগজেৰ পৰীক্ষা
কয়েকবাৰ দিল’
সববাৰেই বাজানেৰা পাশ কৰল’৷
বৰগাংগেৰ বুহেৰ মানুষ বুইল্যা
বাজানেৰাৰে কত ৰংগেৰ
নাম ধইৰা ডাকল’
চৰুৱা, পমুৱা, মৈমনসিঙীয়া
কেও কেও কইল’ ‘ন- অসমীয়া’
কেও কইল আবাৰ ‘বিদেশী মিঞা’
এই সব জালা বুহে লইয়্যা
বাজানেৰ মৰণ হইল’৷
সন্দেহেৰ সাপটা আমাৰ দিগেও
ছোবল লইল’
আৰে ভাই সাপ ৱালা
আৰ কত কৰবা তালি বালি,
কলেজে পঢ়ে আমাৰ পোলা
হেও হিকছে শ্বহৰেৰ গালি
কম কইৰা হইলেও বুজে
ছন্দে ভৰা কবিতাৰ বুলি৷৷
আমাৰ পোলায়ো হিকছে শ্বহৰেৰ গালি
ছিৰাজ খান
In Assam, the word ‘Miyah’ is street slang to refer to Muslims of Bengal-origin. It has connotations of barbarism, poverty, and general uncouthness. Since the 19th century, Muslim peasants have migrated from what is now Bangladesh to Assam, sometimes as climate refugees, sometimes as part of a British government agricultural policy. These Muslims of Bengal-origin reside mostly in the char-chaporis (river islands and river banks) of the Brahmaputra and its many tributaries, though there has been a slow movement towards towns and cities in recent times. The chars and chaporis are very unstable and subject to severe flooding and erosion every year. Moreover, they are relatively isolated from the cities and towns, and so the people here are deprived of modern amenities and government welfare. The development indicators demonstrate extreme poverty, with the literacy rate hovering around 10-15%.
People from this community constitute a large chunk of the menial labour force and the agricultural labour force in Assam. The word ‘Miyah’ is also used as a substitute for ‘Bangladeshi’, another slur used for the Muslims of Bengal-origin to suggest that they are either illegal residents of Assam or that they do not really belong.
Miyah poetry comes from a long tradition of poems written by Char-Chapori writers. It can be traced back to ‘Charuwar Ukti,’ a 1939 poem by Maulana Bande Ali, but matured in the 1980s with the backdrop of the Assam Agitation (1979-85). The Agitation started as a movement for ousting ‘outsiders’ from the state but turned into a campaign against the Assamese Muslims of Bengal-origin. The most powerful poems from the char-chapori poets came in the aftermath of the Nellie Massacre (February 18, 1983) during which more than 3000 people (mostly senior citizens, women, and children—all Muslims of Bengal-origin) were brutally massacred on a single day. When other forms of protest didn’t yield results (perpetrators of the Nellie massacre have not faced trial to this day) a handful of people channelized their grief and anger through poetry.
‘Miyah poetry’ proper started in May 2016. It maintains continuity with the angst and disillusionment of post-Nellie poets, while also trying to reinterpret the 'Miyah' identity. The poets who contribute to this movement are mostly young people who were born after the Assam Agitation but who have lived in the dark, depressing shadow of February 1983. They have lived the ignominy of being looked down upon as filthy inhumans and second-class citizens. Through their poems, they have tried to take on the word ‘Miyah’ and turn it on its head.
People from this community constitute a large chunk of the menial labour force and the agricultural labour force in Assam. The word ‘Miyah’ is also used as a substitute for ‘Bangladeshi’, another slur used for the Muslims of Bengal-origin to suggest that they are either illegal residents of Assam or that they do not really belong.
Miyah poetry comes from a long tradition of poems written by Char-Chapori writers. It can be traced back to ‘Charuwar Ukti,’ a 1939 poem by Maulana Bande Ali, but matured in the 1980s with the backdrop of the Assam Agitation (1979-85). The Agitation started as a movement for ousting ‘outsiders’ from the state but turned into a campaign against the Assamese Muslims of Bengal-origin. The most powerful poems from the char-chapori poets came in the aftermath of the Nellie Massacre (February 18, 1983) during which more than 3000 people (mostly senior citizens, women, and children—all Muslims of Bengal-origin) were brutally massacred on a single day. When other forms of protest didn’t yield results (perpetrators of the Nellie massacre have not faced trial to this day) a handful of people channelized their grief and anger through poetry.
‘Miyah poetry’ proper started in May 2016. It maintains continuity with the angst and disillusionment of post-Nellie poets, while also trying to reinterpret the 'Miyah' identity. The poets who contribute to this movement are mostly young people who were born after the Assam Agitation but who have lived in the dark, depressing shadow of February 1983. They have lived the ignominy of being looked down upon as filthy inhumans and second-class citizens. Through their poems, they have tried to take on the word ‘Miyah’ and turn it on its head.
Siraj Khan is a poet and social activist based in Tezpur, Assam.
Shalim M Hussain is a writer, translator, and researcher based in New Delhi.